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Shrinkwrapped set of 2 vols. of The Invention of the White Race by Theodore W. Allen from Amazon -- CLICK HERE
Shrinkwrapped set of 2 vols. of The Invention of the White Race by Theodore W. Allen from Barnes and Noble -- CLICK HERE
Jeffrey B. Perry, “The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights From Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight Against White Supremacy,” "Cultural Logic" (2010). Addendum (pp. 114-7) discusses how "Daedalus" handled it.
For a discussion of some organizing and activism by postal workers see Jeffrey B. Perry, "The Centrality of the Struggle Against White Supremacy -- 'THE MAIL HANDLERS UNION AND THE FIGHT AGAINST RACISM at the National and at the Grass Roots Level'" (1989)
In the Archives clicking on a month will show the posts published during that month.
Eric Banks, "Hubert Harrison: A Pioneering African American Book Reviewer," can be found in "Critical Mass: The Blog of the National Book Critics Board of Directors," May 8, 2009
Theodore W. Allen's, "Class Struggle and the Origin of Racial Slavery: The Invention of the White Race," editd and with an introduction by Jeffrey B. Perry.
"Harrison Redux" by Scott McLemee at the "Columbia Journalism Review" website discusses the Hubert Harrison biography while focusing on Harrison as a book reviewer.
Mark Naison, "Why The Harlem Tradition of Radical Street Speaking Needs to Be Revived: The Street as a Site of Political Activism, Entrepreneurship and Community Building in African America"
Scott McLemee: "The resurrection of a pioneering cultural journalist" -- at the History News Network -- on Hubert Harrison as a book reviewer
Socialist Party USA, Mayday 2009 Issue of "The Socialist" offers announcement (p. 3) regarding "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883-1918." On May 1, 1912, Harrison spoke before 50,000 people at the SP's rally at Union Square.
Theodore W. Allen, author of ''The Invention of the White Race,'' audio interview by Chad Pearson (in two parts) May 13 and 20, 2004 (scroll down to May 13, 2004 for Part 1 and May 20, 2004 for Part 2).
Frank Huzur offers some thoughts on Hubert H. Harrison and the elections in India in his May 16, 2009 blog post.
Jeffrey B. Perry Blog
July 25, 2012
The Emergency Labor Network writes in its July 23, 2012, “Organize the Unorganized – An Urgent Task for Labor” statement:
"What will it take to address this jobs and housing emergency? Putting millions of workers back to work will require immediate action to create a public works jobs program comparable to the Works Progress Administration (WPA) of the 1930s . . . . During the Great Depression, programs like Social Security, unemployment compensation, the WPA and other forms of relief for the unemployed were won through mass struggles organized by Unemployed Councils and other organizations of the jobless. None of these social gains were handed to workers by benevolent bosses or politicians."
I would argue that yes, workers struggled during the Great Depression and made gains, but we should be aware that the ruling class shaped its response to such struggle in a white-supremacist way. That white-supremacist shaping was against the interest of working people. It is a white-supremacist shaping that we should be prepared to counter today.
Specifically, I write in my article “The Developing Conjuncture and Some Insights From Hubert Harrison and Theodore W. Allen on the Centrality of the Fight Against White Supremacy” at http://www.jeffreybperry.net (top left) Click Here that --
"In his book, 'When Affirmative Action Was White: An Untold History of Racial Inequality in Twentieth-Century America,' [Ira] Katznelson explains how the national policies enacted from the 1930s through the 1950s – initiatives such as Social Security, the National Labor Relations Act, emergency relief, the Fair Labor Standards Act, and the G.I. Bill – 'constituted a massive transfer of quite specific privileges to white Americans' and 'widened the gap between white and black Americans.'
Katznelson describes how the South’s representatives in both Houses of Congress 'built ramparts within the policy initiatives of the New Deal and the Fair Deal to safeguard their region’s social organization' and he cites three particular mechanisms that they used. First, 'they sought to leave out as many African Americans as they could . . . not by inscribing race into law but by writing provisions that . . . were racially laden.' The most important instances concerned categories of work in which blacks were heavily overrepresented, notably farmworkers and maids.' These groups, which constituted over 60% percent of the Black labor force in the 1930s and nearly 75% of those employed in the South, 'were excluded from the legislation that created modern unions, from laws that set minimum wages and regulated the hours of work, and from Social Security until the 1950s.' Second, 'they successfully insisted that the administration of these and other laws, including assistance to the poor and support for veterans, be placed in the hands of local officials who were deeply hostile to black aspirations.' Third, 'they prevented Congress from attaching any sort of anti-discrimination provisions to a wide array of social welfare programs such as community health services, school lunches, and hospital construction grants, indeed all the programs that distributed monies to their region.' In this way 'a wide array of public policies' gave preference to whites and 'most black Americans were left behind or left out.' One of the most glaring examples cited by Katznelson concerns the impediments to African Americans getting GI Bill home loans that had features such as low interest and zero down payments. The many impediments to African Americans were not limited to the South, and in New York and the northern New Jersey suburbs 'fewer than 100 of the 67,000 mortgages insured by the GI Bill supported home purchases by non-whites.'
I further point out --
"The Great Depression and World War II witnessed the rise of industrial unionism in which African Americans were included to an unprecedented degree. However, writes [Theodore W.] Allen, the CIO abandoned attempts to organize the South, and 'went into alliance with the Democratic machines and the Dixiecrats that formed Roosevelt's "troika."' The 'white-skin privilege employment policy that had already existed was given the seal of approval by the incorporation of the seniority principle in almost all labor agreements.' The Southern Jim Crow system continued to oppress Blacks and the armed forces continued to be Jim Crow operations. Very importantly the 'relative unemployment rate of Blacks to whites in 1929 had been about 1 to 1,' but by 1947 it was established at 'a rate of Black unemployment of double that of white unemployment.' This was followed by the Taft-Hartley Act, which was passed in June 1947 and paved the way for a series of anti-union laws that contributed to the decline of the trade union movement."
It is my hope that those in the Emergency Labor Network, as well as those influenced by it, will take these points into consideration as we work to move the struggle forward.
Jeffrey B. Perry
Wilson J. Moses, review of "Hubert Harrison: The Voice of Harlem Radicalism, 1883–1918," "American Historical Review"
July 22, 2012
"For many years cognoscenti in all fields of African diaspora studies have foreseen and rejoiced at the coming of this brilliant masterpiece, in which Jeffrey B. Perry has reconstructed the early career of Hubert Harrison (1883–1927), the radical socialist and prophet of the New Negro Movement. . . . Perry's archival brilliance—one third of his six hundred pages are dedicated to notes and index—illuminates not only the life of his subject but discloses much about black Manhattan before the Harlem Renaissance. . . ."
To read more Click Here